![]() More forks of Bitcoin would have emerged by then with each claiming to be the refined version of the original. By then, BTC would be the digital gold and all fiat would have become extinct and displaying in museums next to fuel guzzling Lambos. These price movements would have even saved John McAfee from eating his own d*ck. In 20 years, BTC would have probably experienced a few parabolic moves and peaked at all the predicted levels of $25,000, $50,000, $250,000, $1 Million, etc. So let us travel forward 20 years in time and see what our favorite digital assets would be valued at as well as any technical advancements by then. What we are going through now – in 2018 – are growing pains that are sure to separate the so-called ‘weak-hands’ from the long-term HODLers who have seen the future like Doctor Strange in the Marvel Universe. That is because the cryptocurrencies of Bitcoin (BTC), Ethereum (ETH), XRP, Tron (TRX), etc., have blossomed to their full potential and become mainstream investment instruments. Perhaps a flying car would be a reality by then, and HODLers would be the lucky few who own them. Some of us dudes have accepted our fate as having lesser hair on our scalp. These steps were in line with other attempts by the international community to grant Russia its rightful place: Russia was admitted to the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, the G7 and the World Trade Organisation.The year is 2038, and many of us have aged a bit. In 2002, as Allies were preparing the next major round of NATO enlargement, the NATO-Russia Council was established, giving the relationship more focus and structure. In 1997 the NATO-Russia Founding Act established the Permanent Joint Council as a dedicated framework for consultation and cooperation. In 1994 the “Partnership for Peace” programme established military cooperation with virtually all countries in the Euro-Atlantic area. Hence, NATO sought early on to create a cooperative environment that was conducive for enlargement while at the same time building special relations with Russia. Indeed, ever since the beginning of NATO’s post-Cold War enlargement process, the prime concern of the West was how to reconcile this process with Russian interests. ![]() Some academic observers in particular opposed admitting new members into NATO, as this would inevitably antagonise Russia and risk undermining the positive achievements since the end of the Cold War. When the NATO enlargement debate started in earnest around 1993, due to mounting pressure from countries in Central and Eastern Europe, it did so with considerable controversy. As former Soviet Foreign Minister Eduard Shevardnadze later put it, the idea of the Soviet Union and the Warsaw Pact dissolving and NATO taking in former Warsaw Pact members was beyond the imagination of the protagonists at the time. ![]() In the crucial “2+4” negotiations, which finally led Gorbachev to accept a unified Germany in NATO in July 1990, the issue was never raised. However, these statements were made in the context of the negotiations on German reunification, and the Soviet interlocutors never specified their concerns. Baker – can indeed be interpreted as a general rejection of any NATO enlargement beyond East Germany. Some statements of Western politicians – particularly German Foreign Minister Hans Dietrich Genscher and his American counterpart James A. It is these conversations that may have left some Soviet politicians with the impression that NATO enlargement, which started with the admission of the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland in 1999, had been a breach of these Western commitments.
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